History of the Rhuddlan Castle

Rhuddlan Castle is a concentric castle in Britain. The city is situated in north Wales, 45 km northwest of Chester, on the A525. Concentric Castle or mulitplexový also means that the fort is a palace in the fort, with two or more rings the walls and in some cases without a fortified center fixed.

Rhuddlan first appears in recorded history in the last years of the eighth century, when there was no town of Rhyl and the shore road from Prestatyn to Abergele did not exist. Instead, the Clwyd and the marshes off its estuary, now reclaimed and drained and cultivated, formed a natural barrier athwart the coastal approach to the mountainous heart of North Wales. The settlement of Rhuddlan is likely to have owed its origin to the presence at this point, from very early times, of the lowest fording-place on the river, from which a track led across the marsh to Vaynol and beyond. Its position thus marked it out as a key point in the racial struggles which for some 600 years (c.700-c.1300) swayed to and fro across the Welsh and English border.

During the reign of King Offa of Mercia (757-96) the great dyke which bears his name (below) was constructed, outlining the beginning of the hill country from Prestatyn to the Bristol Channel and defining the westward limit of English settlement. In 796, the year of Offa's death, the English fighting on beyond the new frontier won a battle at Rhuddlan, and either as a result of it or of a later conquest obtained control of Englefield. The district, the Welsh Tegeingl, preserves in its name the memory of the Deceangli, a Celtic tribe mentioned by the Roman historian Tacitus in the first century of the Christian era. By the time of the coming of the Normans Englefield was restricted to the northern part of the later Flintshire and was dependent on Rhuddlan. Further English operations on the northern frontier are indicated by the death of Offa's successor, Cenwulf, at Basingwerk in 821. The predominately Welsh place-names to the west of Offa's Dyke suggest, however, that Rhuddlan and its outlying manors were not firmly consolidated under English rule.

A century later, in the year 921, King Alfred's son Edward the Elder (d.924) established an earth and timber fort or burh at the mouth of the Clwyd, as part of his defence of the north Wales and Cheshire coastlines against Scandinavian raids. It has been suggested that King Edward's fort was sited close to Rhuddlan itself, and that the banks and ditches which can be traced on the south-east outskirts of the town may have formed part of its earthworks: but this remains uncertain, and it seems more likely that the burh stood close to the river's mouth at a place on the coast now lost, but still known in 1310 as 'Bircloyt'.

We next hear of Rhuddlan in 1063, it is a royal seat of Gruffydd ap Llywelyn and the base from which that powerful prince (actually considered the last true High King of Wales) plundered the English lands as far east as Oswestry and Wrexham. In that year Gruffydd was driven from Rhuddlan by Earl Harold (Godwinson) and his palace burned.

The Norman Conquest

Three years later Harold himself lost the decisive battle of Hastings, and the Welsh had henceforth to contend with the organized might of the most powerful military despotism in Europe. At the command, William the Conqueror, a new castle of the motte-and-bailey pattern, which marked every stage of the Norman penetration, was thrown up at Rhuddlan in 1073 by Robert of Rhuddlan, a kinsman and lieutenant of Hugh d'Avaranches, earl of Chester. Earlier, in the 1050s, Robert had been a squire at the court of King Edward the Confessor, by whom he had been knighted. From the Domesday book (1086) we learn that in return for an annual rent of L40, the Conqueror had granted him power over the whole of north Wales beyond the Clwyd; it was in this capacity that Robert made Rhuddlan the base from which he set out to exploit and consolidate the holding entrusted to him by the king in Gwynedd, and from which he also took his surname. He was, as other sources show, one of the lords of first importance in the Conqueror's ruling councils. More interestingly, we know on good authority that it was Robert's father, Humphrey of Tilleul, who was put in charge of construction of the motte at Hastings, seen in progress in the Bayeau Tapestry, immediately after the Normans landed at Pevensey in 1066.

Even to this day, Robert's earthen mound traditionally occupying the site of Gruffydd ap Llywelyn's palace, (below) rises impressively to the south of its 13-century successor, while the outline of its bailey may still be traced in the adjoining fields.

From Domesday we also learn that under the lordship of Robert and earl Hugh, a small borough was established beside the castle. In 1086 its burgesses, 18 in number, had both a church and a mint, and enjoyed privileges and immunities conferred by the laws and customs of Hereford. Silver pennies minted at Rhuddlan late in the reign of the Conqueror and again from c.1180 to 1215, are preserved in museum collections.

The 12th & 13th Centuries

During the following two centuries the castle and town changed hands many times, as the tide of border warfare favored first the Welsh and then the English. We know little of the development of the castle buildings during these years. A late as 1241-42, the defences, at least in part, were still of wood, and timber-framed buildings occupied the bailey. There is a record in that year of payments for timber to repair the defects in the wooden works, for making cranes, ladders and other necessary implements, and for carrying old wooden works back to Chester; orders are given at the same time for the construction of a wooden chapel in the castle where divine service may be celebrated. By now the age-old border struggle was about to enter on its last phase, a phase in which Rhuddlan was to assume a new and increased importance. During the reign of Henry III political disunity in England gave Llywelyn ap Gruffydd an opportunity to establish his authority over all the lesser princes of his country. Assuming the title 'Prince of Wales', he won recognition first from the baron's leader Simon de Montfort, and in 1267 from King Henry himself.

Llywelyn's fall, as Sir John Lloyd has written, was as spectacular as his rise. Thinking in terms of the Baron's War, he failed to realize the new unity achieved under Edward I, and directly challenged that monarch's power. After two years of forbearance Edward determined in 1276 to obtain Llywelyn's submission by force of arms. On 22 July 1277 we went forward from Chester and established an advanced base at Flint, where work was immediately started on the construction of Flint Castle. With navel support provided by the 25 ships of the Cinque Ports fleet the army pushed along the coast, and on or about 22 August the king moved his headquarters to Rhuddlan, where we may infer that buildings were still available for use in the old castle. Llywelyn's surrender in the following month brought the war to a successful and perhaps unexpectedly speedy end, though it was not until November that hostilities were formally terminated by the submission of Llywelyn to the king at Rhuddlan.

Meanwhile, under Edward's direction, work was put in hand on the erection of an entirely new stronghold a little to the northwest of Robert of Rhuddlan's motte-and-bailey. Payments for the new operation begin to be recorded on 14 September 1277 and continue without pause until March 1282.
In its earliest stage the work was under the control of Master Bertram, a king's engineer who had entered Henry III's service in Gascony in or before 1248. It is to him and the king that we may owe the general plan of the castle, but he was soon superseded by a younger engineer, Master James, better known to us as James of St. George, the future master of the kings works in Wales. He saw Rhuddlan through to its completion and may thus be regarded as the castle's architect.

The castle is concentric in design, consisting of a very strongly defended inner ward, of symmetrical plan, completely surrounded by a slighter outer ward. On the south-west, this fronts the river, but elsewhere, it overlooks an artificial moat, also walled on the outer side, which was dry apart from a short section south of the castle, probably used as a dock. The inner ward is diamond shaped with a singular tower on each of the sharper angles (north and south), and a gatehouse with a double tower on each of the blunter ones (east and west). Various buildings, including a great hall, kitchens, private apartments, and a chapel, stood in the inner ward against the curtain wall; some traces remain of their foundations. The outer ward too included a granary, stables, a smithy, the treasury and a goldsmith's workshop, but little can be seen of these buildings today.

There were four entrances to the castle precinct, later reduced to three. The main entrance, still in use today, is at the north-western end of the moat. Another entrance, the Friary Gate, on the south-east, was soon dismantled. Lesser entrances were provided from the river on the west and the dock on the south-west; the latter, like the dock itself, was overlooked by a tower.

Edward I laid out his new borough, north of his castle, away from the Norman town and the Friary. The present town largely perpetuates the 13th century plan. The town defences consisted of a pair of banks with a ditch between, as at Flint supporting a timber palisade; stone walls were never provided and probably never intended. Edward I also replaced the bridge, probably damaged during the Welsh campaign, and made strenuous but unsuccessful efforts to have the episcopal seat of St Asaph removed to Rhuddlan.The later history of the site was less eventful. The castle came under attack in the Welsh rising of 1294, and again in the Glyndwr

Avebury Stones - England

Avebury is a Neolithic henge monument containing three stone circles which is located around the village of Avebury in Wiltshire, south west England. Unique amongst megalithic monuments, Avebury contains the largest stone circle in Europe, and is one of the best known prehistoric sites in Britain. It is currently used as both a tourist attraction and a place of religious importance to contemporary Pagans.

The large circle contains a grass bank that measures about 427m in diameter and reaches as high as six meters.  Within the grass area is an inner ditch that can be entered via four entrances at each of the points on a cardinal compass.

After passing through the ditch visitors come upon a large circle of sarsen stones that wrap around about 28 acres of land.  It is thought that the circle must have originally contained about 98 stones in order to complete the circle, but all that is remaining to the present day are 27 stones.

Within the circle of massive stones are two smaller stone circles that sit inside the centre of the Avebury ring.  One is located in the Northern sector of the Avebury ring and there are four of the 27 stones left today.  The other is in the Southern sector of the ring and has five or the original 29 stones still standing.

It is speculated that the inner circles were created first in about 2600BC while the outer circle and ditch were created later in 2500BC.

Each of the stones is suspected to weigh upwards of 40 tons with heights that measure over twenty feet thus implying that the local inhabitants must have worked together in order to complete the Avebury Ring.  Additionally, each stone was placed into holes in the earth that measured anywhere between six and 24 inches.

 

The ditch also would have required a large amount of effort to form with the need to chop away about 200,000 tons of rocks.  There are also some remnants of erosion that suggest the ditch may have at one time been filled up with water making the stone rings appear to be sitting on an island.

Excavation studies have shown that there were 154 stones total when the Avebury ring was first built out of which 36 total are still standing.

There are three theories about why the stones may have been removed, the first two have to do with modernization in which the stones were moved so that crops could be planted and the rock could be used to build foundations of homes and shops. The third theory is that in the 14th century the stones may have been broken up by Christian authorities in an attempt to remove pagan religion from the area.

It is often speculated that the Avebury ring was part of a large serpent design that passed through a circle to form an alchemical symbol and that the area may have been part of a temple.  Its exact use by ancient civilizations has not yet been fully understood.

War Memorial in Newcastle

The Renwick Memorial, or The Response, at Barras Bridge, Newcastle, is considered to be one of the finest of its kind in the country and is Grade II listed.Given to the city of Newcastle by Sir George Renwick in 1923, the monument was recently renovated and rededicated at a ceremony which was attended by the Duke of Edinburgh.

The memorial was commissioned by Sir George and Lady Renwick to commemorate three events: the raising of the Commercial Battalion of the Northumberland Fusiliers; the return of the five Renwick sons from the war; and Sir George Renwick's attainment of 50 years of commercial life on Newcastle Quayside.
Described by Alan Borg, a former Director General of the Imperial War Museum as "one of the finest sculptural ensembles on any British monument." Goscombe John designed 'The Response 1914' as a narrative sculpture depicting soldiers marching off to war watched by an angel while women and children bid them farewell.

A large and striking memorial consisting of a rusticated granite screen on which is mounted a high relief depiction of soldiers responding to the call-up for the First World War, modelled virtually in the round from black bronze. Two drummer boys lead the procession and further back are scenes of men taking leave of their wives and children who are torn between distress and patriotic fervour. The expectant soldiers and anxious loved-ones are portrayed with sympathetic naturalism, whilst the relief is given dynamic impetus by the crush to the left of the composition around the flag and figure of 'Renown', who flies above the crowd with raised trumpet. The stone above her is carved with a low relief castle.

On the rear of the wall there are several low reliefs carved directly into the grey granite. St. George is depicted in medieval military dress with lance and shield, standing on a pair of intertwined sea horses (the supporters on the City's coat of arms). On either side is a shield with heraldic castles, the Newcastle coat of arms. Flanking these are two figures: on the left an original Northumberland militiaman, with '1674' inscribed under; on the right a First World War fusilier, with '1919' inscribed under. The whole is set upon a flight of three shallow steps, amidst a carefully tended flower bed, situated against the background of the Civic Centre. 'The Response' has been described by Alan Borg (former Director General of the Imperial War Museum) as 'one of the finest sculptural ensembles on any British monument, [...] a magnificent statement displaying John's virtuosity to the full and deserving to be recognised as a key work in this genre.

Sir George Renwick, local ship-owner and MP for Morpeth, proposed to donate the memorial to the city in 1922, in commemoration of three events. First, the raising of the Commercial Battalions of the Northumberland Fusiliers by the Chamber of Commerce Military Committee before World War One. Second, the safe return of all five of his sons from the war. Thirdly, his attainment of fifty years of commercial life on Newcastle Quayside in 1916. Goscombe John visited Newcastle in June 1922 to look at potential sites and Sir George felt confident that the monument would be a fine and imposing work of art, worthy of a place among the many monuments in his native city.

Only one condition was imposed by Sir George and Lady Renwick, that the Corporation should provide a suitable site for the monument. Alderman Sir George Lunn said that the Council should gratefully accept the gift and provide a site ready for unveiling in the following year. A meeting of the Council and Trustees of St. Mary Magdalene Hospital in February 1923 agreed that a portion of the grounds at St. Thomas's church should be given to the city for the monument. Although the title of the monument obviously refers to the call to arms in 1914, the subject matter for the bronze relief has been identified as the massing of the 5th Northumberland Fusiliers in April 1915. They marched from their camp in Gosforth Park down the Great North Road, through the Haymarket and on to the central station. 'Their route was lined by well-wishers and their parents, wives and children, some cheering, some weeping, as the flower of their youth went out to sacrifice itself on Europe's battlefield.' 'The Response' was unveiled by the Prince of Wales as part of a visit that he made to the city in July 1923.

In the morning he visited St. James's Park football ground to watch a spectacle 'unique in the history of Newcastle'. 42,000 children in the stands displayed flags of red, white and blue in different combinations at given signals and in perfect silence, with the Prince saying that it was the finest thing he had seen in his life. In the afternoon he proceeded to St. Thomas's Church grounds where he met Sir George and Lady Renwick and the sculptor Sir William Goscombe John, among others. A guard of honour from the Northumberland Fusiliers was in attendance, along with a party of blind ex-sailors and ex-soldiers and an 'enormous concourse of spectators' (recorded by a picture postcard of the ceremony). The story is told of one bystander noting that that it seemed odd that the soldiers should be resolutely marching off northwards, away from the front. The memorial was unveiled at midday by the Prince before moving in procession to the Exchange buildings on the quayside. Here he made a speech drawing attention to the suffering of Newcastle during the war, before thanking the city for its record in service and wishing it better times ahead.